The current situation in England is an exceptionally dangerous moment in our nation’s history. Where we go from now on depends entirely on the policies of the mainstream politicians, and, in particular, of the new Labour government. Already, only five days since the appalling outrage in Southport, where a Rwandan settler murdered and wounded little girls at a summer holiday activity, the signs are far from good. It may well be that we are plunging into a situation that will be our version of the terrible ‘Troubles’ that Northern Ireland suffered between 1968 and 1998. Although it is not true that ‘history repeats itself’, there are enough parallels in terms of political conditions that should be ringing alarm bells among the ruling ‘elites’ in politics, media, and the UK state. But it seems that they are profoundly deaf. We should all be aware of those parallels, and, here, we review them as a warning from history.
Until the late 20th century, England was a country where the main division was class. However, that class division was contained and mitigated by a political system that gave representation to both sides of the class divide. The emergence of the Labour Party as a party of governance in the 1920s, and, more so, as the government of 1945-1951, meant that the working class was represented. To balance that was a successful Conservative Party, pragmatic and to some degree conservative. Division in England, in Britain, was never as multi-faceted or as deep as in many other western European countries. Today, things are profoundly different. People are divided by class, ethnicity, race, religion, sexuality, and ideology. Above all, there are competing claims to territory and our national history. Areas of England, particularly urban areas in major cities and towns are seen to ‘belong’ to new ethnic and religious ‘communities’. These ‘communities’ and their ‘community leaders’ are granted special status by the political, educational and cultural mainstream. Further, an over-arching Narrative is sustained which insists that these new communities have a long claim to England. Even as they grow by the day thanks to the continuing policy of mass immigration, the Narrative insists that England and Britain is theirs. As for the English, the Narrative insists they have no more right to England, its territory or history, than a new settler from Africa, Asia, or anywhere else. This is a parallel with the situation in Northern Ireland, where both nationalist and loyalist communities insisted that history and territory was theirs, to the exclusion of any other claim. Competing claims for a particular territory is a fatal condition, as has been shown by the fate of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the case of Kosovo, Sri Lanka from the 1970s until 2009, or, as we see every day in Israel-Palestine. Thanks to decades of mass immigration, brought to us by mainstream politicians, we now suffer from that condition in England.
The second parallel is inter-communal violence. The Southport horror was committed by an African settler, but the fortnight preceding that attack we had seen another African settler repeatedly stab a uniformed army officer, Romas rioting in Harehills in Leeds, a migrant discovered in Bristol with the dismembered remains of two men, and Bangladeshis rioting in London over events in Bangladesh, along with the normal diet of machete gang fights. Further, the Southport attack is simply the latest violence by migrant settlers on English and British people. Some, such as the 7/7 Islamist bombings, the Islamist bombing of girls and parents at the Manchester Arena, the London Bridge and Glasgow airport attacks, the murder of gay men in a Reading park, or the murder of 70 year old Terence Carney in Hartlepool, were terrorist attacks. Others, such as the killing and wounding of two women on Bournemouth beach, the murder of 7 year old Emily Jones, and the Liverpool maternity attack, were the ‘casual’ violence of settlers against the native population. The list of such attacks is very long indeed, and despite the best efforts of the political mainstream and the propagandists of broadcast media to manipulate the stories to maintain the Narrative, people have not forgotten these attacks. In fact, the native population has, prior to the Southport attack, fallen in with the demands of the Narrative. They lit candles, held hands, left cuddly toys at the site of the outrages, sang ‘Don’t Look Back In Anger’, and allowed themselves to be manipulated by the UK State’s ‘Research Information and Communication Unit’ at the Home Office.
This pattern is now broken. The Southport outrage saw numerous protests and riots across England, and the response of the Labour government, all the political mainstream and the UK State has been dramatically wrong-headed. Here is another parallel with the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’. The urban warfare that people have in mind when they think of the Troubles did not suddenly explode overnight. The beginnings of those events were relatively small scale. In 1968, Civil Rights protestors in Northern Ireland began to protest the conditions of the Nationalist and largely Catholic community in the province, and the gerrymandered dominance of the Unionist and Protestant community. Believing that the protests were a renewed sign of earlier patterns of Republicanism, Loyalists attacked those protests. What turned that situation into 30 years of killing was the response of the Stormont parliament, backed by the UK government. The decisions made in those early months guaranteed those decades of terror. The day following the Southport attack, and the small scale riot that evening, saw the UK Labour government follow the same pattern. Keir Starmer immediately chose the security response. Not a political response, but a security response. As far as he, his party, and the rest of the mainstream political classes are concerned, the protests and riots are simply ‘mindless thuggery’ that needs to be crushed with all the UK state’s resources. There is absolutely no admission that this might be a political problem. Why is that? The answer is that to accept that there is a political problem would mean that Starmer and the ‘elites’ have been wrong, and wrong for decades. But it is also personal. They cannot deny either mass immigration or multiculturalism because they are the cornerstone of their ideology. Instead, any opposition of any kind is treated as heresy. Mass immigration and multiculturalism underpin the power of the political mainstream in a similar way that Protestantism, and particularly Calvinism, provided the ideological underpinning of the ruling elites in Northern Ireland in 1968. So, now, in 2024, in England, the ruling elites can only see a heresy that cannot be permitted any voice and must be crushed by the security state.
Many people have now seen through the security state. In Harehills the police literally ran away from Roma settlers, ran as fast as they could. Millions saw this, because information is no longer only provided by the disinformation experts of the broadcast media, especially the BBC, the propaganda arm of the ruling elites. Similarly, during the Covid lockdown, the police knelt before BLM demonstrators, and when 37 police were injured by BLM rioters in Whitehall the BBC announced that the riot was ‘largely peaceful’. And, not forgotten, two days after the BLM riot, Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner performed the ritual kneeling ceremony for the cameras in Starmer’s office. Contrast all of this with the instant recourse to riot gear and batons in the face of the post-Southport killings demonstrations and riots. The police have allowed themselves to become entirely politicised, their response to Roma rioters, BLM rioters, Pakistani or Indian rioters in Leicester, or Bangladeshis in London is quite different to anything involving English people. When the rioters are from the protected communities, the darlings of the political mainstream, the response is retreat, ‘engagement with community leaders’ and ‘faith leaders’, delayed arrests, and the insistence that all is ‘mostly peaceful’. The security state has picked a side, and it is not the side of English communities, certainly not the side of the English working class, the only community that can be freely demonised.
The police are only one part of the UK Security State. Identity England has previously highlighted the role of the MI5/Police/Media/Prevent/Civil Service agency the Research Information and Communication Unit (RICU) located in the Home Office. RICU is what gives Starmer the misplaced confidence that protest can be ‘managed’. The idea that the people simply represent a management problem is central to the ruling elites, they are, after all, largely made up of former members of the apparat, the administrative layer of the state. Starmer, as former Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) is an exemplar of the class. Starmer made it clear in his post-Southport speech that the hidden elements of the UK Security State – RICU, Counter-Terror, and a new ‘national capability’ – will crush dissent. There can be no political solution in dealing with rebels, with dissidents. Instead, they must be utterly crushed and the Narrative, the faith of the political mainstream, must be defended at all costs. That Narrative demands the intensification of the propaganda effort and further demonisation of English people. If you object to mass immigration or multiculturalism, you do not have any view remotely worth considering. Instead, you are completely ‘othered’, you are ‘far right extremists’, ‘thugs’, ‘full of hate’, ‘terrorists’. You will face the ‘full force’ of the UK Security State. Just as in Northern Ireland in 1968.
We are on the edge of the abyss. Decades of mass immigration, multiculturalism, and the capture of mainstream politics and the state by new elites with a profoundly anti-national mindset, has led to a frustrated outburst by a large segment of the English people. The political mainstream are determined to defend their secular faith. Starmer and the mainstream in politics and the media have signalled that they have chosen the security state response. There are sufficient parallels with the beginnings of the 30 years of horror in the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ that should alert everyone to the disaster that is in the making. If that disaster fully manifests itself in the coming years, then the blame will lie entirely with the political mainstream. It may be that the horror can be avoided. But that requires an immediate switch to political engagement. And, for dissidents, it requires an intensification of the political path. We are, tragically, living in an exceptionally dangerous moment in our history.
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